Essay, Research Paper
Equality Is Merely a Concept
We as American citizens are taught by the Declaration of Independence that All work forces are created equal. ( Irish, 748 ) . [ is this the ideal gap sentence? ] Through this ideal, we infer that we each have an equal chance to populate The American Dream by geting wealth and power by paying our dues and working hard. [ P may desire to strike Equal since the point of the paper is that there is no equality for American dream. ] Unfortunately this is a myth. The bulk of America s wealth is held by an elect upper category that exploits its workers and controls the authorities in order to protect and get more money for itself, [ might desire to interrupt sentence up here ] and because this elite is so unwilling to portion its wealth, it is unrealistic for most Americans to hold dreams of deriving big sums of money or power unless some extremist alterations, many of which are ironically considered to be anti-American, occur.
When discoursing the immense differences between the wealthy and the remainder of the population Marian Irish, writer of The Politicss of American Democracy, states that American federalism has had devisive and seperative inclinations ( 144 ) . This is really true in our society because single ends are stressed alternatively of actions that would most profit others. [ Why? Beginning? Possibly This is may non be the best manner to get down sentences. ] Consequently, those who are able to get big sums of success through the concern universe must be highly focused on these single ends. [ Possibly Would is better than Must here. ] It is besides in the best involvement of them and their household to maintain obtaining new wealth for future coevalss. [ For is better than of ] It is in their involvement to acquire every bit much work out of their work force while paying them every bit small as possible, hence doing it highly hard ( about impossible ) for members of the working category to go a member of this executive elect category. [ G Run-on? ] As a consequence the wealth of America is really unevenly distributed. As a affair of fact, the upper one per centum of the American population is so affluent that it is worth more than the combination of the wealth of the full lower 90 per centum of the people ( Henslin, 260 ) . [ P Semicolon? ] This is shocking when taking into history that this one-percent of the population would hold nil without the working category that really makes, sells, and buys the merchandises from the companies that are owned by these elect capitalists. [ No dash required ]
As a consequence [ P Comma ] people born into this upper category, unless the full economic system would fall in, are about guaranteed to be highly affluent and powerful while merely in highly rare instances, are people able to traverse over into this elect group. Despite this, American history is full of shreds to riches narratives such as the lives of Colin Powell and Abraham Lincoln. Colin Powell went from being born into a hapless, black, immigrant household in Harlem [ New York s Harlem? ] to going the highest-ranking military officer in the United States, while it is said that Abraham Lincoln finally became president despite being raised in a one-room log cabin. Narratives such as these, where people become greatly successful despite being born in poorness has been referred to as The American Dream. These narratives are so popular because they give hope to all categories of American citizens that through finding and difficult work, they excessively can profit from similar success. [ may desire to add that it appears to be simply propaganda. ] Harlon Dalton, writer of Horatio Alger argues against this ideal of The American Dream because it down plays the functions of race and societal category in America. This serves to keep the racial pecking order ( 323 ) by puting incrimination on persons alternatively of looking at the societal factors that can impute to fiscal failure.
These America Dream stories merely state about the exclusions to the regulation. There are infinite illustrations of people who work hard their full lives merely to last and ne’er see anything near to the success of Colin Powell and Abraham Lincoln. My gramps, for illustration, was forced to drop out of school in the Forth class in order work any uneven occupations available so he could hold nutrient to eat. [ S 4th ] He told me narratives of being a coal mineworker before the brotherhood existed. [ G capitalise Union? ] He described working 12 to fourteen hr yearss of strenuous manual labour while invariably take a breathing coal dust in mines that had no safety ordinances what so of all time. [ S Whatsoever is one word ] After a yearss work he would put on the back porch covered with coal dust, sometimes for hours, until he could tackle plenty energy to creep on his custodies and articulatio genuss through the back door and into the bath bath. [ G Days is genitive ] For all of this work, he and his colleagues were paid merely a few cents a twenty-four hours in book ( book was a type of money issued by coal companies that could merely be spent in company shops,
guaranting that the little sum that the companies paid the mineworkers would hold to be spent in the shops the company owned. [ run-on ] This ensured that the coal companies would maintain acquiring richer while doing it impossible for the mineworkers to even gain valid money.
My gramps [ comma ] along with 1000000s of others ne’er acquired wealth or power despite working harder than many of us can even conceive of. For this ground it angers me to hear people such as Colin Powell do statements such as, If you work hard, do the best you can, take advantage of every chance that s put in forepart of you, success will come your manner. ( Blue and Naden, 318 ) , alternatively of acknowledging that when sing how our society is structured, they were highly lucky to even be given an chance that could perchance take to such power and prestigiousness. [ G Run-on. Interrupt it into two sentences. May necessitate somewhat more beginning information to endorse your claim. ]
One possible solution to the unevenly distributed financess would be to to a great extent revenue enhancement the one-percent of the population alternatively of taxing those who are less fortunate. This pattern, nevertheless, is easier said than done. [ However is slightly excess ] This is because it requires a big sum of money to run the type of run needed to be elected into a political office ( particularly on the national degree ) . [ This is, once more possibly non the best manner to open the sentence ] Campaigners are forced to raise money for disbursals such as traveling and advertisement. Persons provide the bulk of this money, harmonizing to Karen Foestel of Congressional Quarterly Weekly, and most of these contributions are in the signifier of soft money, a term used for contributions that are unregulated by the authorities. [ May privation to reconstitute somewhat, put the Harmonizing to first and campaigners 2nd ] She besides states that There s merely a little figure of people who can afford to give the money that makes a difference in elections ( one-tenth of one per centum of the American population ) ( 2 ) . While Eric Schmeltzer, Spokesperson for Public Campaign ( a non-profit organisation devoted to run reform ) stated that he was concerned that Those who pay the piper call the melodies ( Foerstel, 2 ) . With this in head it doesn t seem really likely that politicians, even the few who are non themselves from upper category households, will put such a big revenue enhancement on the people who made it possible for them to go elected in the first topographic point. [ P add comma or semicolon at some possible points ]
Not all authoritiess, nevertheless, emphasize the importance of single ends over the ends of society as a whole. [ Isn t the focal point entirely the US authorities though? ] Communist and socialist beliefs stress the equal distribution of wealth to all working members of society. Ironically, these positions have been labeled throughout history every bit being as being anti-American and a menace to democracy. [ Why ironically? ] The facts refering the highly unevenly distributed wealth in America gives ground to believe that these thoughts are really a non a menace to democracy and America but are alternatively a menace to the one per centum of the American population that controls the wealth and power.
The unequal distribution of gross is a complex job with no simple reply. This job, nevertheless, does non be merely in America. [ Tell where else it goes on. ] Carl Marx, who is considered by The Wall Street Journal to be one of the three greatest modern minds, believed that category struggle is the key to human history. [ S Karl Marx, non Carl ] He stated that the middle class ( capitalists who own the agencies to bring forth wealth ) are in changeless struggle with the labor ( the exploited working category ) and that the lone manner the battle can stop is when the working category unites against the middle class. Marx stated that this would be the lone manner that a classless society could be achieved. A society free of development in which all persons will work harmonizing to their abilities and have harmonizing to their demands ( Henslin 12 ) . The possibility of this go oning sometime in our state & # 8217 ; s hereafter is the lone hope America perchance has of being a state where all of world is genuinely considered equal. [ is it genuinely the lone manner? Anything else to endorse this up? ]
1. Henslin, James. Society, A Down to Earth Approach. A Viacom Company. Needham Heights, Massachusetts, 1997.
2. Foerstel, Karen. Interest Groups Seek Best Value for Copious Campaign Dollars. Congressional Quarterly Weekly. Pp. 32-35, 12/12/98.
3. Irish, Marian Doris. The Politics of American Democracy. 1968.
4. Blue, Rose and Naden, Corinne. From Colin Powell: Straight to the Top. Rereading America 4th Edition. Ed. Colombo, Gary, Robet Cullen, and Bonnie Lisle. Boston: Bedford Books, 1998. 314-319.
5. Dalton, Harlon. Horatio Alger. Rereading America 4th Edition. Ed. Colombo, Gary, Robet Cullen, and Bonnie Lisle. Boston: Bedford Books, 1998. 320-326.